Cops in the United States are heavily armed and this is largely taken for granted. It is true that some—police abolitionists and liberal reformers alike—voice concerns about the troubling implications of police militarization, but by and large the arming of police receives broad support in the United States. The National Rifle Association and other right-wing gun enthusiast groups like to claim that “an armed society is a polite society,” which endorses the right of individuals to arm themselves as they see fit, which then justifies more and more powerful police weaponry because of the number of people who arm themselves as they see fit. The irony here is that the Second Amendment, which guarantees a heavily armed population in the United States, was never about the right of individuals to own weapons, but rather was about the need for an armed militia to police Indigenous bodies and control Native land. The Second Amendment was about settler colonialism, not individual liberty.[2] It served to expand the power of the state to control Native land and later, through the slave patrol, to control Black labor. Today it serves to justify the expanded use of arms by police. An armed society is not a polite society; it is a policed society.
The NRA is also not at all interested in arming everyone equally. The NRA and the police have long feared Black gun ownership. This is partly because historically Black gun ownership has often been fueled by the need of Black people to defend themselves against the police and white people with guns.[3] The rate of Black gun ownership often rises in direct response to the racist violence of white supremacy. Thus the state has always sought to disarm Black, Brown, and Native people, not only during chattel slavery and Jim Crow, but also when Ronald Reagan, as governor of California, passed gun control legislation in order to stop the Black Panther Party for Self Defense from arming its members for protection against the police. The police support gun ownership for the white middle and upper class because it is a class understood as de facto police. But this support for gun ownership ends when historically oppressed populations arm themselves.
If you’ve lived your whole life in the United States, you might be surprised to learn that the use of guns by police has always been, and in some places remains, controversial, not commonplace. Historians of police often point to Robert Peel, an eighteenth-century British politician, as the father of modern police. Peel insisted police should not carry guns, partly to ease the tensions of those suspicious that an armed police force would be, in effect, a domestic army. Peel is usually invoked by reformers who seek to “disarm” the police. But to limit a discussion of police violence to the problem of shooting deaths risks elevating spectacular police violence—the SWAT assault and the hail of bullets—over everyday police violence. The shooting deaths might end, but what about the arbitrary harassment, or the racialized targeting, or the chokeholds and rough rides? Those will continue as before because police are violence workers.