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2020 Democratic Presidential Nominees

can someone explain what the deal is with HUD turning down the grants or whatever that CA asked for this week? is it just to be vindictive? After all, one of the favorite conservative talking points I've seen recently is look at all the homelessness happening in Pelosi's district!
 
Rent control from Hollywood to Santa Monica has a glaring hole. If a building is sold and the new owners do "rehab", rent control can go out the window. A perfect example of that was the building where I lived in Beverly Hills. when I moved to OC, I gave that place to a friend. The rent for a really nice 1 BR was $1200. The estate that owned the building sold it. The new owner did "rehab" (that sucked and make the units not as good). During the construction, the tenants were given stipends to find quarters. When it was finished, they were informed the new rents would start at $3500.

This actually sounds like a violation of the BH Rent Stabilization ordinance unless the rehab was done under the auspice of the Ellis Act. Since tenants were invited to move back, then I doubt that the Ellis Act was invoked at all.

It's undoubtedly too late to do anything about it, but what you are describing is a pretty clear violation of the BHRSO on the books. Rehabilitation is a capital improvement that would justify raising the rent to market rates were the tenancy to turn over (as per vacancy decontrol), but otherwise, landlords are still bound by the increase caps outlined in the RSO.
 
we're starting to do work in California -- it's a whole different animal

CA has a state law that prevents public funds for low-income housing from being used on more than 49% of units in a development without a ballot measure

there are workarounds, but it's a pretty discriminatory law that impedes affordable housing development, and even more so, public housing

It's ridiculous, for sure, juice. What cities are you working in?
 
This actually sounds like a violation of the BH Rent Stabilization ordinance unless the rehab was done under the auspice of the Ellis Act. Since tenants were invited to move back, then I doubt that the Ellis Act was invoked at all.

It's undoubtedly too late to do anything about it, but what you are describing is a pretty clear violation of the BHRSO on the books. Rehabilitation is a capital improvement that would justify raising the rent to market rates were the tenancy to turn over (as per vacancy decontrol), but otherwise, landlords are still bound by the increase caps outlined in the RSO.

Given that two lawyers were among the six tenants, I'm guessing there wasn't a way to counter the actions of the new owners.
 
Central Valley

Ouch. At least you shouldn't encounter too much NIMBY pressure in those cities. Does the (hopeful) passage of AB 1482 make your life any easier?

Given that two lawyers were among the six tenants, I'm guessing there wasn't a way to counter the actions of the new owners.

Unless they were landlord-tenant lawyers (it's possible, but I've never met a housing attorney that lives in BH since I started doing this research), I wouldn't count on a lawyer in another field to be all that well-versed in landlord-tenant law. The classic LA County RSOs (LA, WeHo, BH, and SM --> see also, unincorporated LA County, Culver City, and Inglewood RSOs) are pretty ironclad when it comes to relocation assistance and regulating rent increases.

In any event, it's dumb to argue about it, but all of this is to say that RSOs are pretty much the only way to protect tenants from unlawful eviction.

Any type of solution to the housing crisis that does not include explicit tenant protections (e.g., RSO or increase cap, just cause eviction ordinance, relocation assistance in no-fault exceptions, etc.) isn't going to actually be a solution to the housing crisis.
 
So, the the paper that you cited is based on one hell of an assumption. Because of the Costa Hawkins Act (1995), there has not been any new rent stabilized housing stock added in California in over 20 years. The Ellis Act (1985) makes it fairly easy for landlords in rent controlled jurisdictions to pull protected units off of the rental market. I find it hard to believe that rent control raises costs; it's more likely that the loss of affordable housing stock to the non-rental market, the incredibly high costs of building affordable housing in California, the relative lack of land in San Francisco, and institutional barriers to building have raised costs in SF.

In general, the "consensus" research from economics that proves rent control doesn't work, or causes gentrification, or is generally a bad thing is a lot less consensus than one might think. For example, the paper that you cite actually shows that rent control might be the only thing that has kept low income and elder San Francisco tenants in San Francisco!

Anti-rent control proponents usually position rent control as "the" solution to the housing crisis, as if it is an either/or proposition. In my mind, coupling rent control (tenant protections) with supply-side reforms (e.g., abolishing exclusionary zoning, upzoning SFH-zoned neighborhoods, etc.) is the only way to fix the housing crisis. I'm a "both/and" guy who thinks that you should use all tools at your disposal operating at multiple policy time horizons to fix a crisis of this magnitude.

I'm generally on board with this, and you obviously know a lot more about it than I do. I guess the only question I have is, when you say coupling rent control with supply side reforms is the only way to do it, how do we know that? It seems like in places where there is adequate supply, there really isn't a housing problem for the most part. I'm not saying rent control policies definitely couldn't help, maybe if properly designed and in combination with supply reforms they could, as you suggested. But it's at least plausible that it could backfire in some situations too. So why complicate things?
 
AB 1482 doesn't really apply to us since we're building tax credit properties with long affordability requirements anyways

the big thing in CA that affects us was all the propositions passed for HCD funds toward affordable housing, specifically for people experiencing homelessness


still NIMBY concerns in the Fresno suburbs, but you get that anywhere you build for our target populations
 
I'm generally on board with this, and you obviously know a lot more about it than I do. I guess the only question I have is, when you say coupling rent control with supply side reforms is the only way to do it, how do we know that? It seems like in places where there is adequate supply, there really isn't a housing problem for the most part. I'm not saying rent control policies definitely couldn't help, maybe if properly designed and in combination with supply reforms they could, as you suggested. But it's at least plausible that it could backfire in some situations too. So why complicate things?

How do you see rent control backfiring, I guess is my question?

It's hard to isolate the "consequences" of rent control because most of the places that have rent control are coastal cities with expensive housing and desirable amenities (e.g., Santa Monica's beaches, generally living in NY or SF, or Cambridge's proximity to Harvard). You might want to check out the studies that have been done on rent control in New Jersey. It paints a much different picture rather than extrapolating from geographic contexts that don't make a ton of sense.
 
can someone explain what the deal is with HUD turning down the grants or whatever that CA asked for this week? is it just to be vindictive? After all, one of the favorite conservative talking points I've seen recently is look at all the homelessness happening in Pelosi's district!

That can't possibly be true, Trump was just saying how much he wanted to solve homelessness in CA. He went to CA to look into the problem*!

*hold high dollar fundraisers
 
I will say that, generally speaking, working with HUD has gotten a lot more difficult and slowed down greatly in the last two years
 
AB 1482 doesn't really apply to us since we're building tax credit properties with long affordability requirements anyways

the big thing in CA that affects us was all the propositions passed for HCD funds toward affordable housing, specifically for people experiencing homelessness

still NIMBY concerns in the Fresno suburbs, but you get that anywhere you build for our target populations

Wouldn't the housing be concentrated in Fresno city, though? That's unreal. Garcetti and the LA City Council have been fighting a losing battle trying to build any permanent supportive housing because of the NIMBY sentiment at the neighborhood council level. All of this while they support letting the police round up homeless people (and condemn the Trump administration's proposal to do basically the same thing).
 
we're looking at one project in Fresno proper, but also in rural and suburban Fresno and Tulare Counties

one suburb where we're working is in violation of RHNA, meaning we can, by right, increase density and build affordable housing in anything zoned residential
 
One thing I don't understand is why most cities haven't levied hotel taxes for AirBnB, etc., and made the landlords make their locations live up to hotel standards.
 
one suburb where we're working is in violation of RHNA, meaning we can, by right, increase density and build affordable housing in anything zoned residential

Hell yeah. Upzone that shit!

One thing I don't understand is why most cities haven't levied hotel taxes for AirBnB, etc., and made the landlords make their locations live up to hotel standards.

What did you think of LA City's ordinance, RJ?
 
How do you see rent control backfiring, I guess is my question?

It's hard to isolate the "consequences" of rent control because most of the places that have rent control are coastal cities with expensive housing and desirable amenities (e.g., Santa Monica's beaches, generally living in NY or SF, or Cambridge's proximity to Harvard). You might want to check out the studies that have been done on rent control in New Jersey. It paints a much different picture rather than extrapolating from geographic contexts that don't make a ton of sense.

It would backfire if it reduced supply, or stopped people from performing needed upgrades on current stock. Why have a nationwide one size fits all rent control policy then, if you are, if I'm understanding you correctly here, admitting that it might not work, or work differently, in different areas? The article below seems fair to me.

https://www.bloomberg.com/amp/opini...-asking-for-trouble?__twitter_impression=true
 
It would backfire if it reduced supply, or stopped people from performing needed upgrades on current stock. Why have a nationwide one size fits all rent control policy then, if you are, if I'm understanding you correctly here, admitting that it might not work, or work differently, in different areas? The article below seems fair to me.

https://www.bloomberg.com/amp/opini...-asking-for-trouble?__twitter_impression=true

The two components of what we understand as rent control are typically the increase cap and just cause eviction protections. The former is the controversial piece (though when coupled with vacancy decontrol, rent regulation doesn’t strike me as particularly controversial); the latter seems to me to be a necessary piece of any nationwide tenant protections. As Smith points out, few caps are more restrictive than 5%-7%...

As for the relationship between rent control and new construction: I think that zoning regulations and bureaucratic barriers to development are more likely to decrease construction than rent control. Like I mentioned above, there hasn’t been much new rent controlled housing stock built and, in a lot of former jurisdictions like Cambridge, rent control has been stopped. The supply side crisis has evolved independently of an influx of new rent controlled housing stock (because there isn’t really any new stock being introduced; if anything, then it’s disappearing fairly rapidly).
 
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