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Education: The Last Honeypot for Wall St?

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Education reform
A good choice?

SCHOOL vouchers are a divisive subject in America. Proponents claim that vouchers not only grant parents the opportunity to send their children to a private school, but also raise the quality of all education by creating more competition between schools. Critics complain that these subsidies divert necessary resources from public schools, and rarely cover the full cost of a private education. To settle this debate, many have looked to Sweden, where vouchers were introduced in 1992. The results there have been cited as both a case for and against vouchers. So, what has been the actual effect of this Swedish experiment?

Swedish students used to lead international rankings, but the country’s education standards have been declining for years. Indeed 15-year-olds in Sweden perform well below average in mathematics, reading and science when compared with students from other OECD countries, according to the most recent global ranking. Critics of vouchers blame school choice for these dismal results. Raymond Fisman of Columbia Business School recently called the Swedish voucher scheme a disastrous experiment and warned Americans not to go down the same path.

But there are good reasons to believe the problem is not school choice. This is because Sweden's voucher scheme coincided with a host of other reforms, most significantly a change in the national curriculum in 1994, which emphasised individualised learning over teacher instruction. A comprehensive study (in Swedish) published in 2010 found that this was among the most plausible explanations for the drop in student performance. (Sweden duly changed its national curriculum again in 2011.) Norwegian schools implemented similar curriculum changes in the 1990s and saw similar unfortunate results, whereas Finland concentrated on teacher-led pedagogy and saw improvements in student performance.

Earlier this year, the OECD published an assessment of Swedish schools. The report came up with several reasons why Sweden has seen the steepest decline in student performance of all the countries ranked. First, the “disciplinary climate” in classrooms is poor; teachers seem to have little control over unruly students. Second, Sweden has the highest proportion of students who are late for school among all OECD member states. Third, students study less and report lower levels of perseverance than peers from other countries. Fourth, a typical 15-year-old in Sweden receives 741 hours of instruction time in school per year whereas the average OECD student receives 942 hours. The 1994 curriculum change cannot be the sole cause of these problems. But it should not come as a surprise that relieving teachers of some of their responsibilities and authority took a toll on discipline in classrooms and vastly reduced the instruction time that students receive.

In sum, it is unlikely that school choice is the culprit. Indeed, new research suggests that the Swedish vouchers have had a positive, albeit small, impact on student outcomes.

To measure the impact of school choice on student outcomes, one has to isolate the effect of the vouchers net of other reforms. This is what Karin Edmark of the Research Institute of Industrial Economics and her collaborators do in a recent study. They look at both students who were in school when the vouchers were introduced and those who had already graduated, comparing the two groups based on outcomes such as grades in elementary school, criminal convictions and college enrolment. Overall, the authors find that school choice has had a small, but positive impact, particularly for minority and low-income students.

This study does not explain why disadvantaged students appear to benefit more from school choice than their peers. But a plausible reason is that many poor Swedish neighbourhoods have been plagued with bad schools, and vouchers meant students were no longer forced to attend them. Indeed, the authors find that after school choice was introduced, disadvantaged students were more likely than other students to attend schools that were private and far from home.

These findings are supported by previous research. In another study analysing student results in different Swedish municipalities, researchers found a correlation between test scores and the number of independent schools available: the greater the number, the higher the scores. Significantly, these gains were not concentrated among the students in independent schools, which suggests that there are positive effects from competition. A high number of independent schools in a municipality seems to put pressure on all schools to improve their standards.

So what can America learn from Sweden’s experimentation with school choice? First, vouchers appear to have had small but positive effects on educational outcomes. Swedish students thus perform terribly in spite of school choice—not because of it. Second, since the effects are small (and hindered by problematic changes to curriculum), vouchers may be useful but they are no silver bullet.
 
i highly recommend purchasing a subscription to The Economist. You can usually get a special that makes it about the cost of a new video game, and it'll make you smarter instead of rotting your brain. ;-)
 
i highly recommend purchasing a subscription to The Economist. You can usually get a special that makes it about the cost of a new video game, and it'll make you smarter instead of rotting your brain. ;-)

StudentMags.com is tits. You don't have to be a student either, just pretend you are.
 
This Is What Happens When Republicans Try to Destroy Public Education

A month out from the midterm elections, Republican candidates around the country are confronting a shared, and significant, vulnerability: Education.

The conservative wave of 2010 allowed Republicans to implement slash-and-burn governance in several states—what Kansas Governor Sam Brownback called a “real live experiment” in tax cuts for corporate interests and cuts to services for everyone else. One of the most devastating casualties was public schools and universities.

Now, several Republicans could fall victim to their own experiment. Their records on education, in particular, has put conservatives on the defensive in Kansas, North Carolina, Michigan, Colorado, Pennsylvania, Florida and Wisconsin. The issue features prominently not only in local and gubernatorial campaigns but also in Senate races that many predicted would be referenda on Barack Obama, not on conservative governance at the state level.

Sweeping budget cuts have created “a perfect storm that’s put education at front and center at every level of every office,” said Karen White, political director for the National Education Association, the country’s largest teachers union. “It’s really taken a couple of years for these cuts to reach down to the individual level, but that’s now happened.”

In states like Kansas, where 95 percent of children attend public schools, education affects a broad swathe of voters. Even in that reddest of red states, the cuts championed by Governor Sam Brownback have alienated many of his former supporters. For their part, Democrats are leveraging education to engage key slices of their own electorate in states like North Carolina, particularly women and minority voters. “People are really using the issue of education to talk specifically to drop-off voters,” White noted.

The NEA plans to spend as much as $60 million this year, with more than 70 percent devoted state-level races. White said that many of NEA’s 3 million members will also be personally involved in their local races, making phone calls and sending handwritten postcards. The second-largest teachers union, the American Federation of Teachers, plans to spend more than $20 million, a record amount even when considering presidential election years. AFT will spend most of its money trying to defend Senate Democrats and flip governor’s seats in states where education cuts have been particularly harsh.

Polls in several states show education as a top-tier issue. One of those is Pennsylvania, where Governor Tom Corbett reduced public school funding by $900 million, or 10 precent, in 2011. Those cuts, plus more the next year, had a sweeping effect: thousands of teachers were laid off, while 70 percent of Pennsylvania’s school districts increased class sizes, 40 percent cut extracurricular activities and 75 percent were forced to cut instruction in 2013. Democratic candidate Tom Wolf has hammered Corbett over the state of Pennsylvania’s schools, and Corbett is now losing by about 17 points. The implosion of his campaign isn’t enough to stop Corbett from attacking the state’s teachers, however. Just days ago, the School Reform Commission—appointed by Corbett—abruptly canceled the contract with Philadelphia’s teachers in an attempt to force concessions from the union.

“I’ve never seen this level of anger about what policymakers have done in some places to our schools,” said AFT president Randi Weingarten. Weingarten thinks it’s not only underfunding that’s made education a top-tier issue but also the effect of efforts to privatize public education. “The market-based reforms, the top-down reforms, the testing and sanctioning as opposed to supporting and improving has taken hold so much and has been so wrong-headed that you’re seeing this fight back,” she said.

Education cuts in states like Pennsylvania disproportionately affected minority and low-income students, who have long born the brunt of disinvestment in public schools. Even so, cutbacks were deep enough to force voters in wealthier suburban districts where schools are usually well-funded to take note, said Pedro Noguera, a sociologist at New York University. (Noguera is also a member of The Nation’s editorial board.) That may explain why the issue is resonating so widely.

Other close gubernatorial races in which education features prominently include Florida, where Republican Rick Scott “has all but ignored the state’s constitutional duty to provide uniform, high-quality and free public schools,” the editorial board of the Tampa Bay Times wrote in a scathing editorial. In Wisconsin, Madison school board member Mary Burke has drawn sharp distinctions between her support for public schools and the state’s higher education system, and incumbent Scott Walker’s aggressive promotion of vouchers and budget cuts.

In Texas, Greg Abbott is defending $5.4 billion in cuts to public schools, while Wendy Davis says she would increase funding. Polling puts education at the top of the list of voters’ concerns in the state, and for good reason. A state judge ruled in August that Texas has “failed to meet its constitutional duty to suitably provide for Texas public schools.” Abbot, who currently serves as the state Attorney General, appealed the ruling. The Democratic candidate for Lietenant Governor, Leticia Van de Putte, is also running hard on support for public education against an opponent who champions high-stakes testing. “If education isn’t your priority, you’re not prepared to lead Texas,” Van de Putte says in one ad.

The Republican and Democratic candidates for governor in Arkansas are both highlighting their education platforms. Democrat Mike Ross has said he wants to be the “education governor.” Republican Asa Hutchinson ran an ad that focused on his plan for state-wide computer science curriculum, and he’s talked of boosting support for early childhood education.

Democrats running for Senate in red and purple states are also picking on education to highlight the impact of Republican policies. In Georgia, Democrat Michelle Nunn warned recently that her opponent’s plan to abolish the Department of Education would hurt the middle class and “eradicate” federal assistance for Georgia’s college students.

No Senate candidate is as focused on education as North Carolina’s Kay Kagan. Over the course of a debate on Tuesday night, Hagan said four times that her opponent, Tom Tillis, “gutted education” when he was the top Republican in the state house. Hagan’s campaign and several outside groups supporting her have made public school cutbacks a centerpiece of a number of ads.

Education is a flashpoint in Colorado, where a county school board that was essentially bought by the Koch brothers in 2012 recently tried to censor AP US history in order to teach the “benefits of the free enterprise system, respect for authority and respect for individual rights,” while skirting civil disobedience. Protests erupted in the Denver suburb, which happens to be a swing county that could decide the fate of Colorado’s two vulnerable Democratic incumbents, Senator Mark Udall and Governor John Hickenlooper. Both said they disagreed with the school board’s proposal. Udall’s opponent Cory Gardner, meanwhile, declined to weigh in.

Education is also a hot issue in local elections, where some races are attracting a flood of big money. More than a quarter of a million dollars has poured into the contest for five seats on Minneapolis’ school board, for example. Some of these races, like the one for California school superintendent, are not laid out along a Republican and Democratic axis, but are instead contests between corporate “reformers” and allies of traditional public schools and teachers unions. Still, they illustrate the political impacts of widening concern over the state of public education.

“We’re watching people starting to focus on schools and public education,” Weingarten said. “We’re seeing the effect of the starving of schools, the relentless criticizing of them, and the fixation on testing. So we’re seeing in lots of these state races, a conversation about education.”
 
Not a well-written article, but several examples of the honeypot philosophy.
http://www.politico.com/magazine/st...nst-public-education-111630.html#.VDs7emRdVwQ

A survey of expulsion rates in the District of Columbia found that the charters—which enroll nearly half the student population of the district—expel large numbers of children; the charters’ expulsion rate is seventy-two times the expulsion rate in the public schools. … As the charters shun these students, the local district gets a disproportionately large number of the students who are most expensive and most challenging to educate; when public students leave for charters, the budget of the public schools shrinks, leaving them less able to provide a quality education to the vast majority of students.”

Read more: http://www.politico.com/magazine/st...lic-education-111630_Page2.html#ixzz3G2Wfk4Pf

The foothold established by for-profit virtual schools was extremely disturbing. Their most fervent advocates spoke in the most glowing terms about getting rid of buildings, classroom teachers, playgrounds—everything most people associate with going to school. “Kids have been shackled to their brick-and-mortar school down the block for too long,” said Ronald Packard, a former Goldman Sachs banker who was the CEO of K12 Incorporated, the nation’s largest operator of online public schools, likes to say.
Packard was an operator, not an educator. When he founded K12 in 2000, one of his two primary financial backers was Michael Milken, the disgraced junk-bond king of the 1970s and 1980s. The other was Larry Ellison, the billionaire co-founder of Oracle and the fourth-richest person in America. The first chairman and chief proselytizer of K12 was William Bennett, who had served as education secretary under Ronald Reagan and drug czar under George H. W. Bush. There was something odd about Bennett’s trumpeting the wonders of cyberschools. In his book The Educated Child, published just a year earlier, he had sounded less than enthralled about the potential of online schooling. “When you hear the next pitch about cyber-enriching your child’s education,” he wrote, “keep one thing in mind: so far, there is no good evidence that most uses of computers significantly improve learning.”


Read more: http://www.politico.com/magazine/st...lic-education-111630_Page2.html#ixzz3G2XFXGYs
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Edythe Broad Foundation has established training programs to groom non-traditional types—business executives, military officers, lawyers—for appointments as public school superintendents or to other high-level managerial positions, where they put the foundation’s free-market and privatization policies into practice. One Broad graduate, Jean-Claude Brizard, took over the Chicago school system under Mayor Rahm Emanuel, where he continued the reformist policies of his predecessors—firing teachers and shutting down schools—with no appreciable gains in academic performance.

Read more: http://www.politico.com/magazine/st...lic-education-111630_Page4.html#ixzz3G2Zf4a61
 
This year's HS seniors were the first kindergarten class under No Child Left Behind, yet the calls for reforming education are as strong as ever.
 
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