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Please help my academic research

DeacAtDuke

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Hi Everyone,

This is my first post on the new boards. As many of you may recall from the old boards, I am a professor of political science. Most of my research focuses on how people think about foreign policy.

I am piloting a new study that a colleague and I will be running soon, and could use your help. Below is a link a short survey (about 8-12 minutes in length). I hope you all will be willing to take it and give feedback.

There is a section in the survey to leave comments--please leave your comments there or send them to me via PM. I don't want any comments to bias how other people take the survey.

After some time has elapsed and people have had a chance to take the survey, I am happy to come back and explain what the specific hypotheses being tested are.

http://essexgovernment.qualtrics.com/SE/?SID=SV_2ay2IZRQk6OX6Go

Thanks for your help.

Best,
Jason, aka "DeacAtDuke"
 
DeacatDuke has been a great poster for many years...
 
You have no sense of humor. I know who he is and I'm going to help him out and take the survey.
 
You may want to post this to the Pit as well to get a wider range of people.

After some time has elapsed and people have had a chance to take the survey, I am happy to come back and explain what the specific hypotheses being tested are.

Please do, I'm really curious about the hypotheses and results now.
 
is the thesis "any thread will devolve into name calling on RJ's Sandbox"
 
Too bad there isn't a question designed to identify Pit versus Politics respondents... that would be interesting.
 
Originally Posted by ImTheCaptain
is the thesis "any thread will devolve into name calling on RJ's Sandbox"


That's already been proven...

Nothing like either of you allege has happened.,...talk about overreaction...
 
Originally Posted by ImTheCaptain
is the thesis "any thread will devolve into name calling on RJ's Sandbox"




Nothing like either of you allege has happened.,...talk about overreaction...

089218447890.jpg
 
I just want to thank everyone for their help so far. Please keep it up. I'll explain the study sometime next week.
 
There's TYPING! God help them trying to read rj's survey. Anyone else read rj's posts with Foster Brooks' voice?

"I type 101 words/min, but it's in my own language." - Mitch Hedberg


While reading bkf's: "This guy really, really, REALLY hates George Bush. And why is this guy asking who we voted for before answering any of our questions?"
 
I would like to thank everyone for helping pilot my study before I conduct it with a nationally representative sample. Your responses have been extremely helpful.

So, as promised, here is the point (and basic results) of the study. We are examining a theory called "Audience costs" which argues that democracies are advantaged in international crisis situations because once they commit to an action, there will be a strong domestic political penalty for not following through. So, democracies are thought to make more credible commitments in international crisis bargaining because they get punished for backing down. To be clear that I am not taking credit for other people's work--I did not develop the theory, nor am I the first to ever test it. (The small differences I am testing compared to previous work would be of interest only to academics--PM if you want a reading list.)

As you may recall, you read a hypothetical scenario about an unnamed Middle Eastern country in the midst of an Arab Spring uprising. While everybody received the same basic intro to the story, there were actually five different scenarios.

1st scenario -- POTUS says stay out, US stays out
2nd scenario -- POTUS says intervene, US stays out
3rd scenario -- POTUS says intervene, US intervenes (ambiguous outcome)
4th scenario -- POTUS says intervene, US intervenes (unsuccessful outcome, no further military involvement)
5th scenario -- POTUS says intervene, US intervenes (unsuccessful outcome, further military action/escalation)

The underlying idea is to test how subjects evaluate the President differently across these conditions.

The President has the highest support in condition 1 and the lowest support in condition 2, even though the action performed is the same. Condition 5 has the second highest support--suggesting that Americans place a great emphasis on victory (which is consistent with most of my published work).

Conditions, in order of support:
Condition 1
Condition 5
Conditions 3/4 (basically tied, though 3 is a little bit higher)
Condition 2

We basically find support for the audience costs thesis--there is a penalty for backing down. At the same time, we find that there is nearly as large a penalty to intervening but not reaching a successful conclusion. Perhaps because of that, there is actually greater support for a higher level of military commitment after airstrikes fail than for airstrikes only.

When time permits, I will be doing more sophisticated analysis. I can post an update then, but it is going to be a while.
 
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Interesting study. I'm wondering though why a democracy would have any more advantage at the bargaining table in an international crisis than an autocratic regime.

The results of your study seem to suggest that there are two scenarios once the democracy has made the commitment to intervene:

1) The democracy has the upper hand in the conflict, and there is domestic pressure to follow through on the conflict

In this case, I don't really see how the domestic pressure would give any additional advantage to a democracy at the bargaining table. The democracy is already winning the conflict, so it is likely that they will gain concessions from the other party. Pressure one way or the other might influence whether or not the opposition thinks they can sustain a long term conflict, but when you consider the options an autocratic regime has in an identical situation, it seems to become moot. An autocratic regime, unlike the democracy, faces little to no internal pressure, so it can choose to either continue the conflict or end it. Considering that it is already winning, the logical choice is to continue until it gains the concessions it wants. So really, there is no difference in this case between an autocratic regime and a democracy. Both types of government are encouraged to follow through on the conflict. One by popular opinion, the other by logical choice.

2) The democracy is losing the conflict, and there is domestic pressure to follow through

For the sake of this argument, let's say that the government in question is unlikely to incur further gains from continuing the conflict (escalating the conflict will not "turn the tide"). In this case, the democracy would seem to be severely inhibited at the bargaining table. It wants to minimize its losses, but at the same time, it has domestic pressure to continue the war, which would be futile. At the same time, the ruler of the autocratic regime faces no such pressure, and he is free to choose the logical course of action, which is to prematurely end the conflict to avoid incurring further losses. So in this case, it would seem that the autocratic ruler has the advantage.

To sum up:

Option 1:

The democracy gains further impetus for following through on conflict and gaining extra concessions, but this conclusion is already reached by the logic of the situation, the consent of the public is only a confirmation of the correct choice and makes no actual difference at the bargaining table

Advantage: Neither

Option 2:

The democracy is inhibited from following the logical course of action by public opinion, while the dictator is free to minimize losses without public recourse

Advantage: Autocratic Regime

Now, this just applies to the situation if the democracy has already made the commitment. If you are talking about negotiations in which the democracy is threatening a commitment, things come out a little differently. To me, the results of your survey seem to suggest that the public's opinion on whether or not to intervene is heavily contingent on whether or not they think victory is possible. This would require a different study, but I think the results would be pretty obvious.

Now, if we were to translate this into a hypothetical negotiation, similar results to the post-invasion situation would emerge. The following scenarios assume that all actors are capable of making close approximations of the likely outcomes of armed conflicts. If they are not able to do so, then the whole scenario is just psychological guesswork based on intelligence reports of enemy military strength.

1) The democracy is attempting to gain concessions from the autocracy, and the conflict is winnable

i) The opposing party believes victory is unlikely

Assuming that accurate power calculations are being made on both sides, the outcome will likely be that the democracy gains concessions, as it is willing to enter a conflict it believes it will win, and the opposing party is unwilling to enter a conflict it believes it will lose. Again, limited utility is gained from the consent of the public, as the negotiating position of the opposing party is wholly predicated on its calculation of the likely outcome. Whether or not the public supports the president is irrelevant, as public support inherently implies (based on my earlier inference from your study's results) that success is likely. If this is the case, the success of the opposition party is unlikely, and the results are the same as the situation above. Of course, this leaves out one possibility, which is that the president is lying to the people and is bluffing to try to gain concessions. In this situation, it would seem that the president gets an extra boost in negotiating from the public, but assuming that the leader of the opposition is rational, and has made a close approximation of the true disparity of relative military strength, he would know that his success is likely, and the negotiations would again deadlock.

2) The democracy is attempting to gain concessions from the opposing party, and victory is unlikely.

i) The opposing party believes victory is likely

I covered this a little bit above. The president can either back down, knowing that he cannot win the conflict, or try to bluff. The results would be in both cases that negotiations deadlock, as the results are entirely predicated on the mindset of the opposing force, and in this case, the opposing force believes victory is likely. Assuming he has made an accurate power calculation, he shouldn't be swayed by public opinion in the democracy or the bluster of the President.

For an autocratic regime unswayed by public opinion, the results would not be any different. He still has the option of bluffing, but unlike the democracy, he does not need the approval of the public to follow through, so it makes no difference. In any of the other situations, the results would be the same. If the autocrat believed he could win, and the opposing force believed it would lose, then there would be concessions. If the reverse occurs, then a rational dictator would leave the negotiating table.

So basically, in this entire scenario, I think it is clear that the driving force behind negotiations is the power calculations made by both sides. Considering that public opinion in one nation has no effect on that, I think that there is no advantage for a democracy over an autocratic regime. Obviously I have made a big assumption that both sides can make accurate power calculations. But even if that were not true, I still believe that the autocratic regime is still capable of bluffing just as well as a democracy, it just doesn't need public support. In the end, there is no net gain at the negotiating table.

Anyways, sorry for the rambling post. Your study was very thought provoking and I'd love to hear your input on the scenarios I've just laid out.
 
That's interesting, thanks for sharing.

Just out of curiousity, what kind of results did you get for the color question?
 
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