That’s an excellent article.
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“It always goes back to local history to me,” he says. As part of an assignment, Pierce asks the class to research the historical origins of the names of towns in the Tri-County area of Nash, Edgecombe, and Wilson, including Battleboro, which was initially established by Joseph Battle as a settlement along the Wilmington and Weldon Railroad, the longest in the world at the time and the “lifeline of the Confederacy” during the Civil War. In another, Pierce shows students news stories about Ku Klux Klan activities in nearby Rocky Mount—from a 1966 picket line outside a dry cleaner where a Black employee refused to clean the Klan robes to a 1992 rally. In another, he talks to them about the 1970 bombing of a formerly all-Black school in reaction to imminent integration. In the fall, he plans to discuss the Black rights group Concerned Citizens of Battleboro, who led the 1994 boycott of local white-owned businesses to protest law enforcement harassment. All of it, Pierce says, is about showing students their own community is part of history and making sure they are able to see themselves within the content and the curriculum.
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This is what Republicans don’t want you to know.
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Moral panic over CRT may be Republican’s latest boogeyman and rallying cry, but it also fits into a long battle over Black education. In North Carolina, that fight often took the form of “white resistance, subterfuge, and backlash.” In the years immediately leading up to and after the landmark 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education ruling that segregation in public schools was unconstitutional, segregationists in the state used fear-based tactics and legal challenges to oppose integration. Hughes points out that in the 1950s, white people’s associations tried to stir up other fellow North Carolinian whites by leaving messages in their mailboxes saying “forced busing” would lead to cannibalism and interracial sex.
In an attempt to stave off desegregation and under a freedom of choice system, legislators in North Carolina passed the Pupil Assignment Act of 1955 and the Pearsall Plan which, among other things, allowed school districts to close integrated schools. Upwards of 3,500 Black teachers lost their jobs during that time. And the system provided vouchers for white children to attend private schools. White academies started popping up, primarily in the eastern part of the state. It wasn’t until the late 1960s and then with a Supreme Court decision in 1971 mandating busing that schools in North Carolina effectively began to desegregate, a goal that still hasn’t been fully achieved. In the last decade, mostly white charter schools have proliferated and school districts like Nash County have become increasingly segregated by race and income, despite a state obligation under a 1997 ruling to provide a sound basic education to all children.
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This is why jhmd and the like are such stark proponents of resegregation efforts like school choice, vouchers, and charter schools. It’s baked into NC conservative politics.
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His teaching materials list a dozen lawsuits brought against racial discrimination and Jim Crow in Halifax, including that of trailblazer Sarah Keys who refused to give up her seat on a bus years before Rosa Parks was famously arrested for defying segregation laws. In 2019, the NC Highway Historical Marker Program committee approved Pierce’s application to establish a historical marker to remember the case that outlawed segregation in interstate public transportation.
“I tell my students they have inherited a legacy of resistance,” Pierce says. “That kind of history can be empowering.”
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That’s real empowerment. Teaching kids they can change an unequal society.
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“A lot of people want us to teach that America is the greatest country that ever was, there is, and there ever will be,” said Shumate. “But that’s not American history.”
Judy Justice, one of the board members listed in the flyer, said the “dog whistles” distract from what actually matters: the students. “They think we’re indoctrinating their children, but they don’t want their children to know reality. They’re the ones indoctrinating if you ask me.”
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Well said. Conservatives want to teach Black children that America is great and there is nothing holding them back. Historic and current inequities are their own fault.
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As an educator, Pierce sees his job as asking hard questions based on facts. He urges students to look at the back of a nickel and reflect on what it means to have Monticello—Thomas Jefferson’s 5,000-acre plantation in Virginia where hundreds of people were enslaved—engraved on a piece of American currency. “Do you understand how the institution of chattel slavery is ingrained in the very fabric of our country?” he asks.
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Hard questions based on facts. How can people claim slavery isn’t important today when enslavers and their forced labor camps are on our money?