ImTheCaptain
I disagree with you
I of course recognize Arpaio but not the others. What kind of survivor is Khait? Cancer, sexual assault or something?
Even more powerful:TV show
I of course recognize Arpaio but not the others. What kind of survivor is Khait? Cancer, sexual assault or something?
Even more powerful:TV show
I guess we'll see in 2 weeks whether this type of campaigning in a blue state and in a purple state are effective. At 1st blush, I'd say not. But in this damn environment, who know any longer.
Not sure where to put this but Flake not running for re-election in Arizona.
Yet the retaliatory crusade does not aim to target Trump, whose popularity remains high among Republican voters. Instead, the McConnell-allied Senate Leadership Fund (SLF) will highlight Bannon's hard-line populism and attempt to link him to white nationalism to discredit him and the candidates he will support. It will also boost candidates with traditional GOP profiles and excoriate those tied to Bannon, with plans to spend millions and launch a heavy social media presence in some states.
I think that's the smart move by McConnell & Co. They need Trump's numbers to dip among Pub voters before taking him on directly, but they'll be facing a disaster if they're running a bunch of Moore types in states not named AL or MS. And while Bannon may be Trump's architect, he doesn't enjoy the wide backing that Trump does.
The question then is where does Fox go. Do their shows back the establishment or the insurgents?
As Ko listened in, [Virginia state delegate candidate] Foy’s campaign manager Teddy Smyth explained the help he needed on the digital front. One Tech for Campaigns team would revamp Foy’s website (a basic placeholder Foy had built herself on Wix). Another group would focus on paid Facebook advertising. A third team would trawl through donor databases to find people who, as Ko puts it, “if called by the campaign to donate, would.” (Their goal: $250,000.) Ko was assigned to coordinate this effort with two other volunteers. One was a software engineer for a health tech firm in Philadelphia, who protested for the first time after Trump’s Muslim travel ban. The other was a New York–based programmer for Bloomberg, who said this was his first dip into politics beyond donating.
Before these volunteers showed up, Smyth had Foy methodically calling potential donors—by manually looking up their phone numbers one at a time and handing them to her. Ko’s efficiency-driven mind reeled: “We’re like, ‘You’re wasting time,’ ” he says. The two engineers on Ko’s team created an automated script to get the numbers for 3,000 names that Tech for Campaigns had earlier scraped from publicly available records of Democratic donors in Virginia.
They compiled the data into a Google Sheet—names, phone numbers, and a donation history. And then they gave Foy’s campaign a quick tutorial on how to use it. “I knew technology is something we could do better,” Smyth says, “but just didn’t know how to do it. I was able to grow my team by 12 people”—Tech for Campaigns volunteers, free of charge—“and am thrilled with the outcome.” The calls that Foy and her finance director made off of Ko’s list have generated roughly one-sixth of their campaign budget.
Alter dug into research on tech in politics and learned something that astonished her: In a time when people’s ideas of politics are largely formed and expressed online, just 5 to 10 percent of Democratic campaign budgets is spent in the digital realm. She learned from Google’s election team that Republican 2016 Senate campaigns outspent Democrats 3:1 on the platform.