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2020 Democratic Presidential Nominees

Warren is cancelling a bunch of big ad spends in NV and SC. I’m sure Pete will carry the progressive torch on. Ph has assured us throughout.
 
it's a bummer that Sanders and Warren came to prominence around the same time and Warren's rise wasn't like five years later
 
JuiceCrewAllStar said:
it's a bummer that Sanders and Warren came to prominence around the same time and Warren's rise wasn't like five years later
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It is a bummer. Sanders has been in DC almost 30 years. He could have come to prominence in the 90s and run for President from the House in 2000 or 2004.
 
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Isn’t she pretty much locked into 3rd in NV and SC? Maybe she doesn’t fear challenges from Pete or Bloomberg.
 
TownieDeac said:
Ad Analytics. She’s canceled $350k there and supposedly refocusing on Super Tuesday states.
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It makes sense in a weird sort of way. Unless something crazy happens, Biden is going to run away with South Carolina. And after the Iowa shitshow and the Nevada tie-in with the app (even though they are reportedly not going to use it), I don't see the Nevada caucus moving the needle much anyway. Warren will be competitive regardless on Super Tuesday, but if she still thinks she's got a shot at gaining a majority of delegates, she needs Super Tuesday to be a huge win.
 
It’s insane that Democrats preferred every fucking unqualified white dude under the sun over Warren and I hope that’s how history remembers this farce.
 
Vox is doing a series making the best argument for each Dem candidate. Their write up on Pete nails it. I know you all won't read it but I'll post it anyway.

Pete Buttigieg is more electable than Bernie Sanders — and more progressive than you think

https://www.vox.com/2020/2/4/21121636/pete-buttigieg-beat-trump-win-2020-election-primaries


This article is the fourth in the series. Our case for Bernie Sanders is here; our case for Elizabeth Warren is here;ourcase for Joe Biden is here. Vox does not endorse individual candidates.



The case for Pete Buttigieg is simple: The Democratic Party wins when it nominates young, charismatic leaders who are able to convince people outside the party’s base that Democratic values are their own.
It is a model that drove Barack Obama, Bill Clinton, Jimmy Carter, and John F. Kennedy to the presidency. And it could be the model that puts Pete Buttigieg there.
...

Pete Buttigieg is a liberal who makes people think he’s a moderate

Amid the “Mayo Pete” and “Pete is CIA” jeers of his left-wing critics, it can be easy to forget what Buttigieg’s actual policy agenda is. That agenda would easily be the most progressive by any candidate for the general election in decades. Here is a brief rundown of economic and social policies he’s endorsed and promoted:



But that’s not all. Buttigieg has devoted attention to big structural problems that afflict our democracy, and has proposed solutions that are genuinely radical.



Taken as a whole, his agenda isn’t as ambitious as that of Sanders or Warren. But make no mistake: This is a bold wish list, full of items that either the Obama administration struggled to pass even with 59 senators (like immigration reform and a price on carbon emissions) or that would’ve been too radical for Obama to begin with (like a $15 minimum wage, universal child care, a Medicare buy-in not limited to the elderly, and sectoral bargaining — the last of which has barely received any coverage, but which would at a stroke vastly increase the power of the American labor movement).

...


Buttigieg has a far more realistic view of today’s politics than Joe Biden

Much of the above can count as a case for Joe Biden, who, like, Buttigieg has positioned himself as a moderate alternative to Sanders and Warren. As my colleague Ezra Klein has noted, despite being labeled moderates, “if Biden or Buttigieg actually win the nomination, they will be running on the most progressive platform of any Democratic nominee in history.”

...

And it’s not just Biden. Even Bernie Sanders has brushed off the idea of abolishing the filibuster in favor of a bizarre gambit to exploit the budget reconciliation rules to pass Medicare-for-all. At best, this would only enable one piece of controversial legislation to pass, leaving the rest of the policy agenda abandoned; at worst, it will appall old-school Senate Democrats even more than filibuster abolition.
Buttigieg, by contrast, has a much stronger connection to the more brass-knuckled realities of 2020s politics.

Instead of relying of Republican goodwill, he has concrete plans to amplify Democrats’ relative power: by repealing the filibuster to enable the passage of popular social programs that Republicans will then be reluctant to repeal; using a slim Democratic majority in Congress to add DC and (if they so desire) Puerto Rico as states; reducing the Republican geographic edge in the Senate for years to come; and passing sectoral bargaining to build up labor unions as a countervailing power to American business.
He also sparked the first serious conversation of the campaign about revamping the Supreme Court to prevent partisan rulings striking down progressive legislation. He has floated the idea of expanding the Court to 15 justices, five from each party and another five selected by the partisan justices, in hopes of breaking the narrow conservative majority that threatens everything from Medicare-for-all to universal free college.
In an era crying out for structural political reform, Buttigieg’s approach on this front is vital. He understands that Democrats need to fight with all the tools at their disposal to get even a modest legislative package accomplished. And he’s laid out plans to use those tools.

What’s remarkable is that he’s been able to take that approach without coming across as shrill or unduly combative. He presents as a moderate, as a “hope and change” candidate like Obama who is able to use rhetoric and charisma to overcome the resistance of skeptical moderates and center-right voters.
The model of a charismatic rhetorician packaging progressive ideas in a moderate message is one that has worked incredibly well for Democrats historically. Like Obama, Buttigieg would make history: He would be the first gay president, Chasten Buttigieg would be the first first husband, and the two of them would become America’s first couple barely six years after they were legally allowed to marry in their home state.
And Buttigieg is unique in pairing the Clinton/Obama approach of hopeful promises of a changed politics with a more hardheaded approach to institutions and the rules of the game than Clinton or Obama ever had.
...
But while it’s easy to knock down bad arguments for Buttigieg, it’s harder to rebut the real arguments for his nomination: that a liberal perceived as a moderate, with a hardheaded view of American institutions but a hopeful, charismatic approach to campaigning, is exactly what the Democratic Party needs right now.
 
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Strickland33 said:
It’s insane that Democrats preferred every fucking unqualified white dude under the sun over Warren and I hope that’s how history remembers this farce.
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Like a dozen white dudes ran including people with more experience than she does as a barely two term senator. She's behind all but three of them.
 
Polling is scarce and not especially reliable in NV and SC. But she is polling under 12 percent in each state (behind Steyer in SC) and this is before any bumps Pete or Bernie get. Bloomberg is not competing in either state.
 
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Up to 71% of precincts in Iowa.
https://apps.npr.org/liveblogs/20200203-iowa/

Pete is still up in delegates by 1.6%. Bernie is up in votes by about 1,300.

Pete is winning delegates 26.8% to 25.2%. Bernie is winning votes 26.2% to 25.2%.
 
Send in the pros
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Ph, I appreciate that vox piece, good to pull out his stated policy ideas and acknowledge if he were able to accomplish them what a huge difference they’d make. My cynicism about him as a candidate, and this gets at the “he’s a liberal who looks like a moderate” is his performances in the debates and his punches left. But anyway I appreciate you posting.
 
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